Nasir al-din Tusi (13th century) has left us some of the most distinctive writings on the esoteric interpretation of words, whether written or spoken. The paramount role of ta’wil in the teachings of Ismaili Shi‘ism, from the earliest phase of its history until now, has been recognised both by experts on Ismaili studies and members of the Ismaili community alike. While Marshall Hodgson in his Order of the Assassins identifies the ta’wil as the “hallmark of the Fatimid Ismailism,” Henry Corbin has rightly pointed out that such a phenomenon cannot be considered as only “a Shi‘i tendency or a phenomenon which emerged relatively late” (Histoire de la philosophie, p. 20). Ta’wil emerged from the basic teachings of the Qur’an and attracted the attention of a substantial number of Muslim intellectuals, while Ismaili scholars who personally adhered to ta’wil expounded upon it in a more technical and specific manner. This paper will attempt to place Nasir al-Din Tusi in both historical and intellectual context by first reviewing the basic topic of ta’wil, then introducing the specific developments of ta’wil under the Fatimids and continuing into its further refinement under Nizari Ismailism. Tusi’s writings on ta’wil will be highlighted and analysed.
#معرفی_کتاب
✳️ فلسفه اشراق سهروردی
? مترجم: جان والدبریج و حسین ضیائی
✳️ The Philosophy of Illumination
?Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi
?Translated by John Walbridge and Hossein Ziai
Shihäb al-Din al-Suhrawardi was born around 1154, probably in northwestern Iran. Spurred by a dream in which Aristotle appeared to him, he rejected the Avicennan Peripatetic philosophy of his youth and undertook the task of reviving the philosophical tradition of the "Ancients." telegram.me/bayeganitabligh/724
Suhruwardi’s philosophy grants an epistemological role to immediate and atemporal intuition. It is explicitly anti-Peripatetic and is identified with the pre-Aristotelian sages, particularly Plato. The subject of his hikmat al-Ishraq—now available for the first time in English—is the "science of lights," a science that Suhrawardi first learned through mystical exercises reinforced later by logical proofs and confirmed by what he saw as the parallel experiences of the Ancients. It was completed on 15 September 1186; and at sunset that evening, in the western sky, the sun, the moon, and the five visible planets came together in a magnificent conjunction in the constellation of Libra. The stars soon turned against Suhrawardi, however, who was reluctantly put to death by the son of Saladin, the sultan of Egypt, in 1191.
#مطالعات_شیعه_در_غرب
@studiesofshia (کانال)
t.me/joinchat/BHCLmEnNIvcJKXZfJAPsDA (گروه)
عناوين مقالات نشريه نسخه هاي خطي شرقي (شماره 21، 2015)
👉🏻 B. Ashurov. Sogdian Christian Texts: the Manifestation of “Sogdian Christianity” — 3
👉🏻I. Alimov. “A Travel to the Cave of Immortals” — a Lost Novel of the Tang Period — 18
👉🏻M. Reysner. ‘Udhri Codes of Love and Early Persian Romance Verses (5th/11th Century) — 24
👉🏻E. Bolashenkova. Faces on Banknotes: Tajik Somoni as a Symbol of National Identity — 29
👉🏻A. Alexeev. A Treatise on Sama‘ and Ghina from the Collection of the Oriental Department of the St. Petersburg State University Research Library — 42
👉🏻M. Dehqan, V. Genç. Reflections on Sharaf Khan’s Autobiography — 46
👉🏻V. Prischepova, N. Terletsky. D. N. Khudonazarov. The 1895—1901 Count A. A. Bobrinskii's Journeys to the Pamir Mountains. An Ethnographic Album. V. A. Tishkov (ed.); catalogue by M. B. Leibov; text by D. N. Khudonazarov. Moscow: Nauka, 2013. 324 pp., ill. — 62
👉🏻E. Ivanova. Buddizm v Rossii — carskoi i sovetskoi (starye fotografii) [Buddhism in Russia — Tsarist and Soviet (Old Photographs)]. Published by A. Terentyev. St. Petersburg: Narthang, 2014, 484 pp. — 65
🔹Cristina D'Ancona, A.C. Bowen, Simplicius on the Planets and Their Motions. In Defense of a Heresy, Brill, Leiden – Boston 2013 (Philosophia Antiqua, 133), SGA 6 (2016), pp. 294-301
🔹Giulia Guidara, J. Dillon, A. Timotin (eds), Platonic Theories of Prayer, Brill, Leiden - Boston 2016 (Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition, 19), SGA 6 (2016), pp. 302-307
🔹Oliver Overwien, The Alexandrian Epitomes of Galen, vol. 1: On the Medical Sects for Beginners, The Small Art of Medicine, On the Elements According to the Opinion of Hippocrates. An edition and parallel English translation of three Arabic texts, with notes and introduction, by John Walbridge, Brigham Young U. P., Provo (Utah) 2014, SGA 6 (2016), pp. 308-15
🔹Cristina D'Ancona, Al-Ḥasan ibn Mūsā al-Nawbaḫtī, Commentary on Aristotle De Generatione et corruptione. Edition, Translation and Commentary by Marwan Rashed, De Gruyter, Berlin 2015 (Scientia graeco-arabica, 19), SGA 6 (2016), pp. 316-20
🔹Cecilia Martini Bonadeo, T. Kukkonen, Ibn Tufayl. Living the Life of Reason, Oneworld, London 2014 (Makers of the Muslim World), SGA 6 (2016), pp. 321-6
🔹Issam Marjani, M. Zonta, Saggio di lessicografia araba medievale, Paideia, Brescia 2014 (Philosophica. Testi e studi, 7), SGA 6 (2016), pp. 337-30.
@manuscript
✅ Catalogue of the Arabic, Persian and Turkish Manuscripts in Belgium, Volume 1 Handlist Part 1: Université de Liège,
Author: Frédéric Bauden
The Catalogue of the Arabic, Persian and Turkish Manuscripts in Belgium is a union catalogue aiming is to present the Oriental manuscripts held by various Belgian public institutions (Royal Library, university and public libraries). These collections and their contents are largely unknown to scholars due to the lack of published catalogues. This first volume, consisting of a bi-lingual (English and Arabic) handlist, concerns the collection of the Université de Liège, which holds the largest number of Oriental manuscripts (c. 500). Each title is briefly described, identifying the author and offering basic material information. Most of the manuscripts described in this handlist originate from North Africa.
Brill pub., Leiden, 2017, xiv+564 pp., USD $206.00
🆔 @manuscript
This book gathers together two essays. The first deals with the origins of the character of Farhād, the unlucky lover of Shīrīn, who ‒ in the Persian narrative tradition ‒ digs a route through Mount Bīsutūn and accomplishes other admirable works. The essay suggests that Farhād, as we know him from long narrative poems, historical chronicles, and reports by geographers and travelers, is the issue of a conflation between the legendary character of the Master of Mount Bīsutūn and a historical personage, Farrahān, the general-in-chief of the Sasanid king Khusraw II Parvīz’s army (r. 590-628 EC), as this figure was re-elaborated in a number of later legends. The second essay identifies a character named ‘Būrān-dukht’ as the prototype from which Turandot, the heroine of the tale well-known in Europe from Puccini’s opera (1926), springs. Two historical personages, both called Būrān or Būrāndukht, are relevant in this line of development: the first is the daughter of the Sasanid king Khusraw II Parvīz (r. 580-628 CE)
Section IV: Approaches to the Qur'an in Adab: Five Case Studies
10 Qur'an Citation in Early Arabic Oration (Khutba): Mnemonic, Liturgical and Testimonial Functions
Tahera Qutbuddin
11 The Impact of the Qur'an on the Epistolography of 'Abd al-Hamid b. Yahya al-Katib (d. 132/750)
Wad?d al-Q???
12 The Qur'an in Literary Anthologies: A Case Study of al-'Iqd al-Farid by Ibn 'Abd Rabbih al-Andalus? (d. 328/940)
Nuha Alshaar
13 Wisdom and Justice: The Reception of the Qur'an in Some Arabic and Persian Mirrors for Princes
Louise Marlow
14 Solomon's Ring in the Arabic Literary Imaginary
Wen-chin Ouyang
Section V: The Qur'an in Sufi Literature
15 Sufi Negotiation of the Qur'anic Text and its Prophetic Stories in the Literature of Abu Sa'id al-Kharraz (d. 286/899)
Nada Saab
16 Ibn 'Arabi (d. 637/1240) and the Qur'an: A Series of Poems
Denis McAuley
17 'Serving from Afar': Jalal al-Din Rumi (d. 672/1273) on the Adab of Interpreting the Qur'an
Steffen Stelzer
The Routledge Handbook of Persian Literary Translation offers a detailed overview of the field of Persian literature in translation, discusses the development of the field, gives critical expression to research on Persian literature in translation, and brings together cutting-edge theoretical and practical research. The book is divided into the following three parts: (I) Translation of Classical Persian Literature, (II) Translation of Modern Persian Literature, and (III) Persian Literary Translation in Practice.
The chapters of the book are authored by internationally renowned scholars in the field, and the volume is an essential reference for scholars and their advanced students as well as for those researching in related areas and for independent translators of Persian literature.
علیشیر نوایی
🎥 Great poet and thinker, statesman Alisher Navoi
🗓 Alisher Navoi was born on February 9, 1441 in Herat.
📘The creative heritage includes about 30 major works - collections of poems, philosophical and scientific treatises. Based on traditions, he created original works in Chagatai and Persian.
🕌 In the 1480s, he built mosques, madrassas, shelters, bridges at his own expense in Herat.
@uzblegacy_en
Doubts on Avicenna A Study and Edition of Sharaf Al-din Al-masudi’s Commentary on the Isharat by Ayman Shihadeh
#معرفی_کتاب
@Allah4all
✳️ نهج الفصاحه
✳️ Nahj Al Fasahah
🔹The Height of Rhetoric or the noble book entitled “Nahj Al-Fasahah” is an unparalleled treasure of the eloquent wise sayings of the Holy Prophet of Islam (P.B.U.H.). It was first collected by the late Abulghasim Payande and published in 1957 A.D. as an Arabic-Persian edition, containing traditions. It has been widely in use by both the public and the elite since then for deriving guidance from the Holy Prophet’s ocean of lore to pave the rocky paths of man’s life.
مرجع تخصصی محتواهای #تبلیغ_بین_المللی_اسلام
@Allah4all
He is working on a Sufi text by Ḥusayn ibn Yaʿqūb Shāh whose works are still in manuscript and has never been published. In his text, there are some parts of فی الاستغاثة in Arabic, but they do not necessarily follow the rules of Arabic grammar. Here is an example of one (please ignore the zīr zabar, etc.):
اللهُ نورُ السَّمٰواتِ وَال۫اَرضِ و یا مُحیُ ال۫حَقیقةِ وَالسُّنَّةّ وَال۫فَرضِ
یا نُورَ النّورِ عَلَی وَ یا نُورٌ فَوقَ النّورِ وَ تَحتَ النُّورِ
یا رَحمٰنُ الرَّحیمِ وَ یَا مُستَعانُ الکریمِ
یَا سَلامُ ال۫مؤمِنِ و یا عَلّامُ ال۫مُهَیمِنِ
یا خالِقُ ال۫وَهّابِ وَ یا رَازِقُ التَّوابِ
یا غَفّارُ ال۫مُصَوِّرِ و یا جَبّارُ ال۫مُتَکَبِّرِ
It is clear that these are not following the rules of Arabic grammar because of lines such as the following:
یا مالِکَ ال۫عَلاّم و یا ذُوال۫جَلالِ وال۫اِکرامِ
However, in Arabic this should be و یا ذاال۫جَلالِ وال۫اِکرامِ.
Are you aware of any textbooks or guidelines in Persian and explain what the Persian rules are for such texts? the professor was originally vowelling them as they are vowelled in Arabic. However, that will not work as the original authors seem not to have followed Arabic grammar but rather had some sort of Persian grammar in mind. Unfortunately, we haven't found any reference to this situation in any Persian grammars or in books such as Dastūṛ-i Khaṭṭ-i Fārsī. I would be grateful for any references that you might have.
besides, I am wondering if any studies have been written on “Persianizations” of Arabic prayers, such as:
Yā ḥayy al-qayyūm (in Arabic it would be “al-ḥayy al-qayyūm”
Yā dhū’l-jalāl wa’l-ikrām (in Arabic it should be “yā dha’l-jalāl wa’l-ikrām).
As far as I know, it is unusual that a language imposes its own grammar or pronunciation to a complete sentence or a whole paragraph of a foreign language but it has happened in writings by Yaʿqūb Shāh . Please notice that in this particular case, the author and scribe were very fluent in Arabic. I do appreciate it if you could provide an explanation for this issue.
This small illuminated codex contains a famous poem written in honor of the Prophet Muhammad and commonly known as Qasyda al-Burda (Poem of the Cloak); author of the poem Sharaf al-Din Muhammad al-Busiri (died in 694 AH calendar [1294 A.D.]). This manuscript was written in various fonts, most likely in Iran, by the scribe Habib Allah ibn Dust Mohammed al-Hvarizmhi in the XI century according to the Hijri calendar (XVII century according to the Gregorian calendar).
Why we cry for Imam Husain (peace be with him)?
Part Two
http://3rdimam.com/showdata.aspx?dataid=912529&siteid=3
Furthermore, crying for Imam al-Hussain (AS) is considered seeking nearness to Allah (SWT) for the tragedy of Karbala is bound to the great sacrifice which Imam al-Hussain (AS) endured for the sake of Allah (SWT) and for Islam. It is only when your heart is soft and absorbable that you feel the sense of closeness to Allah (SWT). The Holy Qur’an praises crying and those who cry for a legitimate cause. The Holy Qur’an describes many of the Prophets and their followers when they cried, "When the verses of the Most Gracious were recited unto them, they fell down prostrating and weeping" [4]
Furthermore we cry over the martyrdom of Imam al-Hussain (AS) for the Holy Prophet (SAW) wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS) as recorded in many traditions (ahadith):
Ahmed and Ibn al-Dhahhak narrated from Ali (AS): “I entered on the prophet (SAW) and his eyes were flooded, I said: Oh! Prophet of Allah, anyone made you angry? Why are your eyes flooded? He said: Gabriel just left me telling me that al-Hussain will be killed by the river Euphrates. He (the Prophet) said: So he (Gabriel) said: Do you want me to let you smell his dirt (from his burial pot)? I said: Yes! He reached with his hand and grabbed and handful of dirt and gave it to me. So I could not help it and my eyes were flooded.” [5]
Ummul Fadhl the daughter of al-Harith said that she entered on the Messenger of Allah (SAW) and she said: “Oh! Messenger of Allah, I saw a strange dream last night. He said: And what is it? She said: It was difficult. He said: And what is it? She said: I saw, as if, a piece of your body was severed and was put in my lap! The Messenger of Allah (SAW) said: You saw well - Fatima will give birth, God willing, a boy so he will be in your lap. Then Fatima gave birth to al-Hussain and he was in my lap - just as the Messenger of Allah (SAW) said. So I entered one day on the Messenger of Allah (SAW) and put him in his lap, but I noticed that the eyes of the Messenger of Allah (SAW) pouring tears! So I said: Oh! Prophet of Allah, my parents are your ransom, what is with you? He said: Gabriel (AS) came to me and informed me that my nation (ummah) will kill this son of mine.” [6]
Umm Salamah has said: "al-Hussain entered on the Prophet (SAW), while I was sitting at the door, so I saw in the hand of the Prophet (SAW) something he turned over while (Hussain) sleeping on his stomach. I said: Oh messenger of Allah, I looked and saw you turning something over in your hand when the kid was sleeping on your stomach and your tears were pouring? He said: Gabriel came to me with the sand upon which he (Hussain) will be killed. And he informed me that my nation (umma) will kill him." [7]
Ibn Saad, Ali bin Muhammad, Yahya bin Zakariya, a man heard it from 'Amir al-Sha'bi say: "When Ali (as) passed by Karbalaa in his march to Siffien and lined up with Nainawa - a village on the Euphrates - he stopped and called one of them men: Tell aba 'Abdullah (al-Hussain ) what this land is called? He said: Karbala. Then he cried until the earth was wet from his tears. He then said: I entered on the messenger of Allah (s) and he was crying. So I said: What makes you cry? He said: Gabriel was with me, just now, and informed me: that my son al-Hussain will be killed at the banks of Furat in a location called Karbala. Then Gabriel grabbed a handful of dirt and let me smell it. So I could not help it, my eyes overflowed." [8] From this tradition (hadith) we can see that Imam al-Ali (AS) also wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS). There are more traditions showing that the Holy Prophet (SAW) wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS). [9] Umm Salamah, the wife of the Holy Prophet (SAW) also wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS).[10] Even the Jinns mourned Imam al-Hussain (AS)'s death, it has been reported that after Imam al-Hussain (AS)'s martyrdom, Umm Salamah said: "I heard the Jinns mourning for al-Hussain.” [11]
@AbodeofWisdom
Why we cry for Imam Husain (peace be with him)?
Part Two
http://3rdimam.com/showdata.aspx?dataid=912529&siteid=3
Furthermore, crying for Imam al-Hussain (AS) is considered seeking nearness to Allah (SWT) for the tragedy of Karbala is bound to the great sacrifice which Imam al-Hussain (AS) endured for the sake of Allah (SWT) and for Islam. It is only when your heart is soft and absorbable that you feel the sense of closeness to Allah (SWT). The Holy Qur’an praises crying and those who cry for a legitimate cause. The Holy Qur’an describes many of the Prophets and their followers when they cried, "When the verses of the Most Gracious were recited unto them, they fell down prostrating and weeping" [4]
Furthermore we cry over the martyrdom of Imam al-Hussain (AS) for the Holy Prophet (SAW) wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS) as recorded in many traditions (ahadith):
Ahmed and Ibn al-Dhahhak narrated from Ali (AS): “I entered on the prophet (SAW) and his eyes were flooded, I said: Oh! Prophet of Allah, anyone made you angry? Why are your eyes flooded? He said: Gabriel just left me telling me that al-Hussain will be killed by the river Euphrates. He (the Prophet) said: So he (Gabriel) said: Do you want me to let you smell his dirt (from his burial pot)? I said: Yes! He reached with his hand and grabbed and handful of dirt and gave it to me. So I could not help it and my eyes were flooded.” [5]
Ummul Fadhl the daughter of al-Harith said that she entered on the Messenger of Allah (SAW) and she said: “Oh! Messenger of Allah, I saw a strange dream last night. He said: And what is it? She said: It was difficult. He said: And what is it? She said: I saw, as if, a piece of your body was severed and was put in my lap! The Messenger of Allah (SAW) said: You saw well - Fatima will give birth, God willing, a boy so he will be in your lap. Then Fatima gave birth to al-Hussain and he was in my lap - just as the Messenger of Allah (SAW) said. So I entered one day on the Messenger of Allah (SAW) and put him in his lap, but I noticed that the eyes of the Messenger of Allah (SAW) pouring tears! So I said: Oh! Prophet of Allah, my parents are your ransom, what is with you? He said: Gabriel (AS) came to me and informed me that my nation (ummah) will kill this son of mine.” [6]
Umm Salamah has said: "al-Hussain entered on the Prophet (SAW), while I was sitting at the door, so I saw in the hand of the Prophet (SAW) something he turned over while (Hussain) sleeping on his stomach. I said: Oh messenger of Allah, I looked and saw you turning something over in your hand when the kid was sleeping on your stomach and your tears were pouring? He said: Gabriel came to me with the sand upon which he (Hussain) will be killed. And he informed me that my nation (umma) will kill him." [7]
Ibn Saad, Ali bin Muhammad, Yahya bin Zakariya, a man heard it from 'Amir al-Sha'bi say: "When Ali (as) passed by Karbalaa in his march to Siffien and lined up with Nainawa - a village on the Euphrates - he stopped and called one of them men: Tell aba 'Abdullah (al-Hussain ) what this land is called? He said: Karbala. Then he cried until the earth was wet from his tears. He then said: I entered on the messenger of Allah (s) and he was crying. So I said: What makes you cry? He said: Gabriel was with me, just now, and informed me: that my son al-Hussain will be killed at the banks of Furat in a location called Karbala. Then Gabriel grabbed a handful of dirt and let me smell it. So I could not help it, my eyes overflowed." [8] From this tradition (hadith) we can see that Imam al-Ali (AS) also wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS). There are more traditions showing that the Holy Prophet (SAW) wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS). [9] Umm Salamah, the wife of the Holy Prophet (SAW) also wept for Imam al-Hussain (AS).[10] Even the Jinns mourned Imam al-Hussain (AS)'s death, it has been reported that after Imam al-Hussain (AS)'s martyrdom, Umm Salamah said: "I heard the Jinns mourning for al-Hussain.” [11]
@AbodeofWisdom
——————————————
*ɴᴏᴛᴇs*
*¹* _Dalāʾīl al-ʾImāmaħ_, ʾAbū Jaʿfar Muḥammad _bin_ Jarīr _bin_ Rustam al-Ãmulī aṭ-Ṭabarī, 3ᴿᴰ ed., (Manshūrāt ar-Rāḍī: Qum, 1363 sʜ), p. 204.
*²* In some sources, the name has been narrated as “Baraka Zalūl”, but “Baraka Zalzal” is the correct name.
*³* Yūnus _bin_ ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān (and also Ṣafwān _bin_ Yaḥyá) are from the “ʾAḥṣāb al-ʾIjmāʾ”, meaning that the ʾImāmī scholars agree on the authenticity and correctness of the traditions they relay.
Yūnus _bin_ ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān possessed a very high degree in spirituality and was praised by the ʾAʾim·maħ ع themselves; the scholars of the Science of Rijāl also praise him.
In spite of these characteristics, when such a high personality says such a thing, it shows the situation of the common masses in regards to this matter.
In addition, due to his characteristics, some of to-day’s scholars do not believe that he literally meant what was said; they explain that it is possible his intention was to test the people at the gathering, so that they could become known.
(Cf. as-Say·yid ʿAbd ar-Raz·zāq Muqar·ram, _A Passing Glance at the Life of al-ʾImām al-Jawād ع_, tr. Parvīz Lawlāvar (The Foundation for ʾIslāmic Researchers Ãstānⁱ Qudsⁱ Raḍawī: Mašhad, 1370 sʜ), p. 110).
*⁴* Here, the historians have recorded the questions and the answers, but due to the limits of brevity, we have not mentioned them.
*⁵* _Biḥār al-ʾAnwār_, al-Majlisī II (al-Maktabaŧ al-ʾIslāmiy·yaħ: Ṭihrān, 1395 ʜ), vol. L, pp. 98–100; _Dalāʾīl al-ʾImāmaħ_, ʾAbū Jaʿfar Muḥammad _bin_ Jarīr _bin_ Rustam al-Ãmulī aṭ-Ṭabarī, 3ᴿᴰ ed., (Manshūrāt ar-Rāḍī: Qum, 1363 sʜ), pp. 404–406; al-Masʿūdī (Manshūrāt al-Maṭbaʿaŧ al-Ḥaydariy·yaħ: an-Najaf, 1374 ʜ), pp. 213–215.
With slight differences in wording: _The Family of Revelation_, as-Say·yid ʿAlī–ʾAkbar al-Qarshī, 1ᔆᵀ ed. (Dār al-Kutub al-ʾIslāmiy·yaħ: n.pl., 1368 sʜ), pp. 642–644; _A Look at the Political Life of al-ʾImām al-Jawād ع_, Jaʿfar Murtaḍá al-ʿĀmilī, tr. as-Say·yid Muḥam·mad al-Ḥusaynī (The Office of ʾIslāmic Publications Affiliated to Jāmiʿaŧ al-Mudar·risīn fī Ḥawzaŧ al-ʿIlmiy·yaŧⁱ Qum al-Muqad·dasaħ: Qum, 1365 sʜ), pp. 27–29.
*⁶* al-Masʿūdī, _ibid_., p. 215.
*⁷* _Biḥār al-ʾAnwār_, al-Majlisī II (al-Maktabaŧ al-ʾIslāmiy·yaħ: Ṭihrān, 1395 ʜ), vol. L, p. 90; _ʾIthbāt al-Waṣīyaħ_, al-Masʿūdī (Manshūrāt al-Maṭbaʿaŧ al-Ḥaydariy·yaħ: an-Najaf, 1374 ʜ), p. 210; _al-Ikhtiṣāṣ_, ash-Shaykh al-Mufīd, ed. ʿAlī–ʾAkbar Ghaf·fārī (Manshūrāt Jāmiʿaŧ al-Mudar·risīn fī Ḥawzaŧ al-ʿIlmiy·yaŧⁱ Qum al-Muqad·dasaħ: Qum, n.d.), p. 102.
*⁸* Taken from the text: _Sīrihʸⁱ Pīshvāyān_, 23ᴿᴰ ed., Mahdī Pīshvāyī (Muʾas·sasaŧ al-ʾImām aṣ-Ṣādiq ع: Qum, 1390 sʜ), p. 539.
@AbodeofWisdom
🌳 🌲 Tree 🌲 🌳
A poem by, Sergeant Joyce Kilmer (1886-1918)
I think that I shall never see
A poem Lovely as a tree.
A tree whose hungry mouth is prest Against the earth’s sweet breast;
A tree that looks at God all day,
And lifts her leafy arms to pray;
A tree that may in summer wear
A nest of robins in her hair;
Upon whose bosom snow has lain;
Who immediately lives with rain.
Poems are made by fools like me,
But only God can make a tree.
Join us👇🏻
@BelievingYouth
He is working on a Sufi text by Ḥusayn ibn Yaʿqūb Shāh whose works are still in manuscript and has never been published. In his text, there are some parts of فی الاستغاثة in Arabic, but they do not necessarily follow the rules of Arabic grammar. Here is an example of one (please ignore the zīr zabar, etc.):
اللهُ نورُ السَّمٰواتِ وَال۫اَرضِ و یا مُحیُ ال۫حَقیقةِ وَالسُّنَّةّ وَال۫فَرضِ
یا نُورَ النّورِ عَلَی وَ یا نُورٌ فَوقَ النّورِ وَ تَحتَ النُّورِ
یا رَحمٰنُ الرَّحیمِ وَ یَا مُستَعانُ الکریمِ
یَا سَلامُ ال۫مؤمِنِ و یا عَلّامُ ال۫مُهَیمِنِ
یا خالِقُ ال۫وَهّابِ وَ یا رَازِقُ التَّوابِ
یا غَفّارُ ال۫مُصَوِّرِ و یا جَبّارُ ال۫مُتَکَبِّرِ
It is clear that these are not following the rules of Arabic grammar because of lines such as the following:
یا مالِکَ ال۫عَلاّم و یا ذُوال۫جَلالِ وال۫اِکرامِ
However, in Arabic this should be و یا ذاال۫جَلالِ وال۫اِکرامِ.
Are you aware of any textbooks or guidelines in Persian and explain what the Persian rules are for such texts? the professor was originally vowelling them as they are vowelled in Arabic. However, that will not work as the original authors seem not to have followed Arabic grammar but rather had some sort of Persian grammar in mind. Unfortunately, we haven't found any reference to this situation in any Persian grammars or in books such as Dastūṛ-i Khaṭṭ-i Fārsī. I would be grateful for any references that you might have.
besides, I am wondering if any studies have been written on “Persianizations” of Arabic prayers, such as:
Yā ḥayy al-qayyūm (in Arabic it would be “al-ḥayy al-qayyūm”
Yā dhū’l-jalāl wa’l-ikrām (in Arabic it should be “yā dha’l-jalāl wa’l-ikrām).
As far as I know, it is unusual that a language imposes its own grammar or pronunciation to a complete sentence or a whole paragraph of a foreign language but it has happened in writings by Yaʿqūb Shāh . Please notice that in this particular case, the author and scribe were very fluent in Arabic. I do appreciate it if you could provide an explanation for this issue.
Or. 1094
Collective volume with texts in Arabic, and Persian, with some Turkish, paper, 254 ff.,
safina shaped. Apparently the whole or part of a private notebook of a scholar fluent in
Persian and Arabic, living in Anatolia, in the second half of the 8/14th century.
(1) pp. 1-7. Arabic. al-Durra al-Yatima. The title is followed by an anonymous poem, but it
is possible that it is meant to be the title of the whole collection of (mostly) Persian
poems of which this is the first. CCO 526 (II, p. 27). See Voorhoeve, Handlist, p. 72. On pp.
1, 254 also a bookseller’s note in Turkish.
(2) p. 8. Persian poems by Diya’ al-Din al-Munaggim al-Bukhari, composed in praise of
the amir Diya’ al-Din al-Tughri. CCO 526 (II, pp. 27-28).
(3) p. 10. Persian poems composed by Muhyi al-Din. CCO 526 (II, p. 28) mentions the
subjects.
(4) p. 17. Persian poem by Husam al-Din Yusuf. CCO 526 (II, p. 28).
(5) p. 18. Persian. Treatise on Qur’an 59:9. CCO 526 (II, p. 28) quotes the aya and the
incipit.
(6) p. 21. Persian. Treatise by Galal al-Din `Abd al-Malik al-Warqani on certain words of
the Prophet Muhammad. CCO 526 (II, p. 28).
(7) p. 24. Persian. Treatise on Qur’an 30:49. CCO 526 (II, p. 28).
(8) p. 28. Persian poems by Muhyi al-Din. CCO 526 (II, p. 28).
(9) p. 31. Persian poems by Diya’ al-Din al-Munaggim al-Bukhari. CCO 526 (II, p. 28).
(10) p. 32. Persian. Letter from Shaykh al-Islam Sadr al-Haqq wal-Din (= al-Qunawi?) to
Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 672 AH), and the latter’s answer (p. 34). CCO 526 (II, p. 28).
(11) ff. 44-97. Arabic. Excerpts from Diwan of Husam al-Din `Isa b. Sangar al-Hagiri (d.
632/1235), GAL G I, 249. CCO 526 (II, pp. 28-29); CCA 677 (I, p. 422). See Voorhoeve,
Handlist, p. 63.
(12) pp. 98-99. Arabic. Min kalam Ibn Sina, interpreted as Wasiyya of Ibn Sina (d.
428/1037), GAL G I, 458. Anawati No 153. A poem of 15 lines. CCO 526 (II, p. 29). See
Voorhoeve, Handlist, p. 400. Followed by other poetical pieces, possibly also by Ibn Sina,
e.g. fi wasf al-qalam (pp. 100-101).
(13) p. 104. Persian poem by Muhyi al-Din. CCO 526 (II, p. 29).
(14) p. 106. Persian, Arabic. Three elegies, by Diya’ al-Din al-Munaggim, on the death of
Muhyi al-Din. An elegy by Nizam al-Din al-Hafiz, on the deat of Muhyi al-Din. An elegy
by Diya’ al-Din al-Munaggim on the death of Shams al-Din al-Shushtari. Also on al-
Lughz. CCO 526 (II, p. 29).
(15) pp. 132-150. Arabic. Wasiyyat al-Harith b. Ka`b. CCO 526 (II, p. 29) quotes the
beginning. See Voorhoeve, Handlist, p. 399.
(16) p. 151. Persian poem by Sharaf al-Din al-Shirazi, and a chronogram (p. 152) by Diya’
al-Din al-Bukhari on the date of the demise of Muhyi al-Din. CCO 526 (II, pp. 29-30)
quotes the chronogram and interprets it as 2 Rabi` I 731 AH and the place of demise as
the town of Aqshahr (in Qaramania). Another chronogram, also quoted in CCO 526 (II, p. 29), gives 761 AH as the date of demise of Awhad al-Din `Ali, the son of Muhyi al-Din.
(17) p. 160. Arabic and Persian. Ash`ar tuktabu fi Sudur al-Mukatabat. Not in Voorhoeve’s
Handlist. CCO 526 (II, p. 30).
(18) p. 185. Several poems, in Arabic and Persian. In several flowers are described. CCO
526 (II, p. 30). On p. 185 al-imam Fakhr al-Din al-Razi is mentioned. Not in Voorhoeve’s
Handlist.
(19) p. 222 (pp. 201-220 counting backwards). Persian. Shorter pieces in prose. Dar
Ibtida-yi Kitab. Dar Fathnama. Fathnama-yi Kirman. Mithal-i Imarat-i Ka`ba (incomplete).
CCO 526 (II, p. 30).
(20) pp. 248-254. Arabic. The 21 first distichs only of al-Qasida al-Tantaraniyya by Mu`in
al-Din Ahmad b. `Abd al-Razzaq al-Tantarani (c. 485/1092), GAL G I, 252. Not in
Voorhoeve’s Handlist.
The entire volume has been extensively described in CCO 526 (II, pp. 28-30), but as can
be expected with a private notebook as this volume is, there is more detail that can be
said about the contents.
([* Ar. 1094: nog eens goed bekijken!])
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